The Rise of the Jihadist Movement

AutorBaris Karaagac
Páginas11-38
Revista Mexicana de Análisis Político y Administración Pública
Departamento de Gestión Pública y Departamento de Estudios Políticos y de Gobierno
Volumen V, número , enero-junio 
Pp. -
Revista Mexicana de Análisis Político y Administración Pública. Universidad de Guanajuato.
11
THE RISE OF JIHADIST MOVEMENTS IN THE MIDDLE EAST—A LONGER
AND CRITICAL VIEW
Baris Karaagac
Abstract
is article is a re sponse to the a-historical
analyses i n the mainstrea m media and acade-
mia, which often a nalyze and pres ent jihadist
movements, in particul ar the Islamic State
and Al-Qaed a, as actors that are driven merely
by ideology, irrationality and veng eance. It is
also a response to a number of an alyses on the
left, which esta blish an automatic relationship
between imperia lism and the ongoing conict
with the jihadist g roups as its protagonists in
the Middle East. e a rticle, in an attempt
to avoid the excessive generalit y of the latter,
argues that t he emergence and increasin g in-
uence of jihadist movements should be loca-
ted in two historica l processes: ) a series of
colonial and imperia list interventions, which
go back to the early t wentieth century; ) the
failure of the Ar ab uprisings of   and  ,
which created politica l vacuum that would be
lled by jihadist ac tors. It also a rgues that the
current conict ma rks a shift toward s a new
paradigm of violent conic t.
Keywords: Jihadism, Sa lasm, Wahh abism,
the Islamic State, A l-Qaeda, world orders,
Resumen
Este artícu lo es una respuesta a los a nálisis
ahistóricos dentro de los medios y l a academia
dominantes, mismos que frecuentemente ana-
lizan y presenta n a los movimientos jihadistas,
en particula r al Estado Islámico y a A l-Qaeda,
como actores que están motivados mer amente
por una ideología, por la irraciona lidad y por
la venganza. E s también una respuest a a un
número de análisis de sde la izquierda que esta-
blecen una relación automática entre el impe-
rialismo y el con icto en curso con los grupos
jihadistas c on sus protagonistas en el Med io
Oriente. El artículo, en un i ntento por evitar
la generalidad exc esiva de los últimos, arg u-
menta que la emergente y creciente inuencia
de los movimientos jihadista s deben ser ubica-
dos como parte de dos procesos h istóricos: )
una serie de intervenciones colonia les e impe-
rialista s, mismas que se remontan a principios
del siglo ; ) el fracaso de los levanta mientos
árabes de  y  , mismos que crearon un
vacío político que habría de ser llenado por
actores jihadista s. Además, se arg umenta que
el actual con icto marca un ca mbio hacia un
nuevo paradigma de c onicto violento.
Palabras clave: Jih adismo, sal asmo, wah ha-
bismo, Estado Islámic o, Al-Qaeda, órdenes
mundiales .
Fecha de recepción:  de ma rzo de 
Fecha de aceptación:  de m ayo de 
Revista Mexicana de Análisis Político y Administración Pública. Universid ad de Guanajuato. Volumen V, número 1, enero -junio 2016
12
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e self-proclaimed Islamic State and the almost instantaneous growth of its fame and
power in the past couple of years have become a source of fear, worry and anger across
the globe. e group has gained a reputation of notoriety by virtue of its brutalit y,
which has been widely broadcast thanks to its prolic media network. ere have been
heated and unresolved debates in the academia a nd the media as to the nature of this
group as well as how it can be defeated. Joining the debate on the Islamic State and
other jihadist groups, I will address in this paper two questions. e rst one is ‘How
do we explain the rise of the armed jihadist movements in Iraq and Syria since ?’
Here, the focus will be on the Islamic State and al-Qaeda a s the two leading and
most inuential representatives of such movements. e second question is ‘What does
the form that the conict has a ssumed in this period signi fy in terms of international
politics and the current world order?’ I will argue that t he emergence and widespread
inuence of such movements should be located primarily in two processes: ) a series
of (neo)-colonial and imperialist interventions in the region which stretch back to the
early twentieth centur y, and which culminated with the  invasion of Iraq and t he
ongoing internationalized intra-state conicts in Iraq and Syria; ) the failure of the
Arab uprisings of  and  in eecting economic, political and socia l change, thus
creating frustration, and political and ideological vacuum addressed and lled by jiha-
dist actors. In response to the second question, I will arg ue that the particular form the
conict has assumed in the region (and the world) points to the rapidly changing form
of armed conict. e traditional conict paradigm has been replaced by a new one,
which has challenged and modied the pillars of the former.
e mainstream media and academia often present and analyze jihadist movements,
in particular the Islamic State and al-Qaeda, as actors that are driven merely by ideolo-
gy, irrationality and vengeance. In t hese epistemologies and processes of identity cons-
truction, i.e. the construction of the ‘other’, what is usually ignored and/or omitted are
both the complexity of these identities, and the histories which involve the relations
between ‘us’ and these constructed ‘others’ and which have played a formative role in
the emergence of the actors signied by these identities. In these ontologies, the actors
confronted by the West are reduced to barbaric fanatics who are driven by a religious
ideology based on hatred and violence. Whi le it is true that some of these jihadist actors,
particularly the Islamic State, have employed violent and ‘barbaric’ tactics and actions
e Islamic State i s the name of the Salast, ji hadist group that separated f rom Al-Qaeda in Februar y
 and decla red a worldwide caliph ate in June . e group had pre viously cal led itself, among
others, the Isla mic State of Iraq and al-Sham (or Islam ic State of Iraq and Syria). It has also been refe -
rred to as Daesh, an acronym derive d from its name in Ar abic. e latter has be en mostly used by its
critics, and mi litary and ideological opp onents. Without getting involved in the debate s over its name,
such as whether or not the g roup should be allowed to call itself t he ‘Islamic State’, I will rely in this
work on the name the group itse lf has picked for itself. e two ma in organizations a liated with Al-
Qaeda in the reg ion have been The Organization of Jihad ’s Base in Mesopotamia (or, simply Al-Qae da in
Iraq) and The Suppor t Front for the People of the Levant (or the al-Nusr a Front).

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